The libel laws of Canada and the United States provide a unique glimpse into the legal difficulties inherent in reconciling the right to free speech and expression with the protection of one's reputation. After examining both countries' legal precedents surrounding libel, it appears the United States has gone the furthest to bridge the gap between expression and protection.
The new Canadian libel defense, “responsible communication”, gives journalists and members of the press expanded protections against libel and defamation claims. The 2009 ruling shifts the defense from proving the veracity of libelous remarks (a relic of British common law) to a new two-part defense that must prove the “publication is on a matter of public interest”, and that the “publisher was diligent in trying to verify the allegation” in terms of its seriousness, public importance, urgency, “status and reliability” of the source, representation of the plaintiff’s side, the justifiable inclusion of the statement, and the public interest in the statement itself apart from its truth.
The “responsible communication” defense arose from the Grant v. Torstar decision which famously asserts, “In the modern context, it is argued, the traditional rule has a chilling effect that unjustifiably limits reporting facts, and strikes a balance too heavily weighted in favour [sic] of protection of reputation. While the law should provide redress for baseless attacks on reputation, defamation lawsuits, real or threatened, should not be a weapon by which the wealthy and privileged stifle the information and debate essential to a free society.” Grant v. Torstar was also decided in response to the libel laws in other countries that “give more protection to the press”. This ruling recognizes the difficulty in reconciling constitutional values and the protection of “individuals’ reputations” but, just as in the United States where state laws are often amended to retain constitutional fidelity, the Canadian common law concerning libel was seen to be at odds with the national Charter and the constitutional rights designated therein.
In Quan v. Cusson, the Supreme Court of Canada granted an appeal based on the Grant v. Torstar “responsible communication” decision. At the initial trial, the jury was asked to rule on the truth of each written statement in the libelous article. It dissected each claim in the article and awarded the plaintiff compensation for “general damages” but “found that there was no ‘actual malice’ on the part of any of the defendants” and did not award any “special, aggravated or punitive damages”. In Quan v. Cusson, instead of requiring the defense to prove the accuracy of libelous claims (as was done in the original trial), the Supreme Court of Canada granted an appeal based on the precedent set in Grant v. Torstar, stating, “the defendants’ liability hinges on whether they were diligent in trying to verify the allegations prior to publication”—not in the truth or falsity of the libelous claims on a statement-by-statement basis.
In returning to the jury’s refusal to award damages based on "actual malice" in the initial Quan v. Cusson trial, we are encouraged to examine the protections offered by the United States’ libel precedents.
In New York Times Co. v. Sullivan , a police commissioner sued the New York Times Co. for publishing an advertisement that the commissioner claimed was libelous towards him. The advertisement did not mention the commissioner by name or single him out as an individual. With this in mind, and despite some factual errors in the published advertisement, the Supreme Court decided “the evidence against the Times supports at most a finding of negligence in failing to discover the misstatements, and is constitutionally insufficient to show the recklessness that is required for a finding of actual malice.”
In the United States, after the New York Times Co. v. Sullivan case, the burden of proof that common law places on the defendant was thenceforth determined to rest on the plaintiff. Instead of requiring the defendant to prove the truth of their statements, the plaintiff would now be responsible for proving the defendant harbored actual malice or was negligent in verifying information.
The Gertz v. Welch case served to clarify the New York Times Co. v. Sullivan decision by extending more protection against libel to private citizens than to public officials and public figures, The court ruled that because private citizens, “characteristically have less effective opportunities for rebuttal,” the New York Times Co. v. Sullivan defense is available to publishers and the media only when the libel accusation applies to public officials and public citizens.
The Supreme Court overturned the original decision because the defendant, Elmer Geetz, “plainly did not thrust himself into the vortex of this public issue, nor did he engage the public's attention in an attempt to influence its outcome. We are persuaded that the trial court did not err in refusing to characterize petitioner as a public figure for the purpose of this litigation.” The court decided that defamatory trials would be decided with regards to the individual as a matter of public interest (i.e. the aforementioned public officials and public citizens) as opposed to considering the issue itself a matter of public interest.
The United States’ libel laws have arrived at the most just balance of freedom of speech and protection of personal reputation. By implicitly incorporating the Canadian standard of “responsible communication” in that was established by Grant v. Torstar in New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, which gives fair protection to publishers and broadcasters; and extending further protections to individuals with the Geertz v. Welsh ruling, the United States has developed libel and defamation protections that best adhere to the spirit of free speech and expression.
The United States’ approach to libel conserves the constitutional right to free speech while also protecting individuals. They incorporate the right to freedom of expression laid out in Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights concerning freedom of expression and the protections of Article 12 concerning attacks upon honor and reputation. In requiring “actual malice” and granting different public and private citizens’ rights in regards to libel protection, the United States takes a step to reconcile John Stuart Mill’s "marketplace of ideas" approach to free speech that argues that “there ought to exist the fullest liberty of professing and discussing, as a matter of ethical conviction, any doctrine, however immoral it may be considered” in the interest of promoting truth, with Mill’s claim that, “The liberty of the individual must be thus far limited; he must not make himself a nuisance”—which limits the individual with malicious intent. These balances make the United States’ libel laws the most just in terms of their promotion and limitation of free speech.
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Jamie, I found your argument very well developed and full of effective references that aid in the understanding of the differences between libel laws in Canada and the United States. I agree with your final statement that “These balances make the United States’ libel laws the most just in terms of their promotion and limitation of free speech.” The unique balance between speaker and plaintiff protection is the most effective because it does not prohibit the free flowing of ideas, while also protecting individuals from communication acts of actual malice. The part that bothers me the most about Canada’s addition of protection for speech if the “publication is on a matter of public interest,” is the ambiguity of that criteria. Who is it that decides what is a matter of public interest? The umbrella term, “Public Interest” is something that can be interpreted in many different ways, which is another reason why I think libel law in the United States is much more effective than Canadian libel law.
ReplyDeleteMy favorite part of your argument was the conclusion; your use of John Stuart Mill’s quote in particular: “there ought to exist the fullest liberty of professing and discussing, as a matter of ethical conviction, any doctrine, however immoral it may be considered.” This is in my opinion one of the strongest arguments for free speech. His opinion that the individual communicator “…must not make himself a nuisance,” is very thoughtfully connected to the principle of actual malice. This was a great way to finish your argument and it definitely helped to strengthen my own opinion that US Libel Law is the most comprehensive and just.
Trial law and definitions, which make it easy for the reader to follow your line of reasoning, ground this argument. You do a great job of quoting, which is especially helpful with the trials that are difficult (at least for me) to keep track of by names alone. You especially are great at clarifying how the US libel laws incorporate aspects of Canada’s responsible communication standards and bringing the whole argument full circle.
ReplyDeleteI also like the application of Mill in your argument because you seem to rely on the common decency of your fellow citizens to avoid becoming the nuisances Mill’s addresses. One thing I would recommend is to make sure that you can also support your opinions, which are already framed really well. At the end where you say, “These balances… make the US’s libel laws the most just” you should clarify that this indicates your opinion. You may possibly even want to go lightly into detail as to why you think these cases protect both individuals and their right to speak freely. I do not believe though that Article 18 (freedom of thought) from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is the one you intended to cite. Based on your reference to freedom of expression and the paragraphs around it is sounds like it is Article 19 after all. That last paragraph also lost me at the line “The United States’ approach to libel conserves the constitutional right…” because I stumbled a bit over your words. I think saying … “approach to libel preserves the constitutional right to free speech while also protecting individuals” clears up any potential misunderstanding while making the US personal libel defense law a bit clearer.
Finally, I agree with you the United States is the best advocate free speech and the protections of it. However, I think Canada’s laws are equally just, but they have a different emphasis on responsible communication over our right to say anything about anyone. If you went into more detail as to what you mean by “just” in this line I think it would make your whole argument have a more powerful impact because it is clear your sources are already reliable.
Hi Jamie,
ReplyDeleteThank you for providing well reasoned arguments in relation to Canada’s and America’s libel protection laws. The balance that you discuss in relation to America’s libel protection laws creates a well-reasoned argument to support America’s rather than Canada’s libel protection laws. This is based on protecting the rights of all people, rather than majority groups which can be described as Canada’s one of two part defense that protects “publication as a matter of public interest,” under the new libel defense law. I believe this stance of public interest on Canada’s behalf can be problematic lack full protections for all Canadians. This is because the determining factor of establishing public interest lies in the hands of others. Also, the lack of protection for all publication that may not be a matter of public interests but nevertheless valuable and important to the publisher will not be protected.
Therefore, I fully agree with your stance of America’s approach that “ libel conserves the constitutional right to free speech while also protecting individuals.” I would further present philosopher Robert C. Post’s support of this as he believes that a community norm of respect for the individual makes possible the concept of a Bill of Rights that protects individuals and minority groups within the community from the normative pressures of that very same community.
Jamie- I realize that I am echoing the previous three people that posted on your blog, but I can't help it! You made a really grounded argument, and you did a great job of providing the reader with evidence to support all of the claims that you make to support the United States libel laws, from concrete examples to helpful quotes.
ReplyDeleteOne of my favorite quotes that you used was the quote from Mill that you added to your conclusion about the "marketplace of ideas" approach: He says "There ought to exist the fullest liberty of professing and discussing, as a matter of ethical conviction, any doctrine, however immoral it may be considered." This underlies so much of United States libel laws, and the concept of protecting speech, even if it is immoral and/or offensive doesn't appear to exist to near the same extent in British and Canadian libel laws. Although we've learned throughout the class about cases that push this envelope (my personal favorite? The Westboro Church), I believe that it is of utmost importance to protect the speaker, something that isn't as important when it comes to libel in the other countries that we have been studying. Both Canada and Britain have laws that feel a lot more situational, and I appreciate the the United States has more concrete and protective free speech laws that can add to the "marketplace", lead to new ideas, and continue to change the way that we think about things.